1 、 Liang Yong-xuan ： A study of the records of Japan-Korea conversation by writing in medicine

2 、 Mayanagi Makoto ： YANG Shoujing’s textual criticisms and publications of medical books, and the philological works by the Japanese scholars who criticized old medical texts in the Edo period.

3 、 Chen Ming ： Cross-cultural transmission of medicine from Greek Antiquity to pre-modern Japan: As a case of the recipe “Theriaca of the Four”

4 、 Chin Shih-ch`i ：古步识小

1 、 Li Shang-Jen ： Miraculous Medicine in a Heathen Land: Medical Missions to Nineteenth-Century China

2 、 Yan Yi-wei ： Patients in the Early Missionary Hospitals in China

3 、 LI Nai-shi ： From J.P. Maxwell to Shih-Hao Liu——Research of Osteomalacia in Peking Union Medical College during 1920’ s and 1930’ s

4 、 Huang Yan-hong ： Flexible Discovery and its Culture: A history of Acupuncture Anesthesia in China

Che-chia ： The Foreign Extension of Chinese Medical Theory of Locality

in the Early Modern Period

3 、 Zhen Cheng ： The Comparative Study of Psychiatry between TCM a n d Western Medicine ----Both in 19th Century

1 、 Chen Hsiu-fen ： Knowledge of ‘Nourishing Life’, Technology of the Body and Social Strata in Late Ming China: A Comparative Perspective

2 、 Uchino Hanna ： Nurse and Mother’s Milk in East Asia from the Viewpoint of the Life Concept

3 、 Pan Xun ‧ Tang Bo-you ： 战争环境下的社会医疗关怀 — 略论抗战时期大后方的医疗救护

1 、 Han Yi ： Policies of Benevolence and Conducts State affairs of Medical book: the Spread of Taiping Shenghuifang in Song China——A Study on Knowledge Spheres of Medical Prescriptions and Society During the Song 960~1279, China

2 、 Li Shu-hui ： Transmitting and inheriting of medical knowledge in Song dynasty from Su-Shen liang fang

3 、 Wu Zhi-yuan ： 香料与中医

4 、 Liang Rong ‧ 罗大中 ： Have a restricted view of the Jiangnan medical culture in the late qing dynasty — analysing the mistreatment cases in 《 WangMengying medical records 》

1 、 Aerin Peijung Chiang ： 病人与医者－十七至十九世纪台湾医疗手抄本探讨

2 、 Su Yi-zhang ： 医疗内容的变迁－台湾医疗手抄本的外 科病名与症状

3 、 Chang Shu-ching ： Foreign Aid and Transformation of Nursing Education and Practice in Postwar Taiwan ： A Preliminary Analysis

4 、 Chang Su-bing ： 移民、疾病与环境 —— 以台湾的农业移民为例

1 、 Chen Hao ： Carving the Formulary on the Rock for Diffusing the Medicine Knowledge to Cure the Sick People: the Fluidity of Medicine Knowledge between Different Estates and Areas in the Records of the Inscriptions and Remdies of Longmen Grottoes in the Early Period of Tang Dynasty

2 、 Liang Tong ： The evolution of Wu Xing theory in the ancient Chinese divinatory and medical books between Jin Dynasty and Sui Dynasty

3 、 Rong Zhi-yi ： The Metaphor of " Xiao Mo " —— View of Medicine and Disease and the Custom of Folk Medicine

1 、 Zhu Jian-ping ： 体质学说：中医与朝医的不同诠释

2 、 Zhang Yu-qing ： Middle Western medicine theory is not allowed to comparing with comparing —— primitive thought with concept thought

3 、 Yu Shi-jie ： Discusses the Zhuang national minority witch doctor and the Zhuang national minority medicine's origin relations

2 、 Su Jing-jing ： Christianity During Plagues —— Examples of Black Death in Medieval Age and Cholera in 19th Century

3 、 Li Hua-cheng ： The Significance of Plague for Intellectual History —— On the cognizance of the Black Death in Medieval England

Abstracts

◎◎◎ Section 1-A

1 、梁永宣：日朝医学笔谈资料研究

本研究调査了日本各地收蔵的江户时期朝鲜通信使中的医学交流书籍，除书名、内容、所藏 地重复外，最终确认日本所藏日朝医家笔谈书籍为 27 种，收藏地以日本国立公文书馆内阁文库为首，其余分布于京都大学富士川文库、东京大学、东北大学狩野文库 等 56 家图书馆及文库。研究证实，记录高峰集中于 1712 至 1763 年的第 8-11 次通信使赴日， 1748 年最多。通过对 27 种书籍的简要分析，概括出如下特点： ⑴ 中国文化深深根植于日本及朝鲜国土中； ⑵ 中日韩三国之间的书籍流传是医家沟通的基础； ⑶ 朝鲜良医大多精通中国医学理论，采用辨证论治，重视脉诊，临床治疗经验丰富，应用灵活。日本医家以寻问药 物学知识为主，同时渴望了解诊治难病的临床经验，并重视文献版本研究。 ⑷ 参加笔谈的日朝二国医家均有一定知名度； ⑸ 日本医家重视发表与朝鲜医家的笔谈记録。 27 种蔵于日本各地的医学笔谈书籍，不仅是日朝医学交流的历史见证，同时亦可作为今后继续探讨日中朝（韩）三 国间乃至东亚医学交流史的重要参考文献。

A study of the records of Japan-Korea conversation by writing in medicine

In this research, I investigated the medical exchange record in all around Japan concerning the Korean goodwill missions in the Edo period, and conclusively distinguished 27 different records of conversations by writing literary Chinese as only a common language for communication between Korean and Japanese physicians, except duplications of book names, context or locations of possession. The records were found in the total 56 libraries and collections in Japan; of them, the National Archives of Japan has the largest number of records; the other records have been held at the Fujikawa Collection 富士川文庫 in Kyoto University, at the University of Tokyo, at the Kano Collection 狩野文庫 in the Tohoku University etc. This paper also shows the peak of the record number concentrates on 1712 to 1763, when the 8 ^th - 11 ^th Korean goodwill missions [ Choson Tongsinsa 朝鮮通信使 ] came to Japan, and the number of the 1748’ s records is the largest. Through a brief analysis of the 27 kind of records, I roughly mentioned the following features: (1) the Chinese civilization had been ingrained in Japan and Korea . (2) The distribution of medical books among the three countries, China , Japan and Korea , is the foundation of communication between the physicians. (3) The most of Korean reputable physicians obtained a mastery of the theory in TCM, adopted the treatments based on syndrome differentiation [ Bianzheng lunzhi 辨証論治 ], valued pulse taking [ Maizhen 脈診 ], had rich clinical experience and adapted TCM to circumstances at will. Contrastively Japanese physicians mainly asked the Korean physicians about pharmaceutical knowledge, and also desired to know diagnostic approach to obstinate diseases and therapeutic experience of them, and emphasized philological and bibliographical works. (4) Every participant physicians in the conversations had certain reputations. (5) Japanese physicians valued to publish the records of the conversation with the Korean physicians. The 27 kind of conversation records, which are held in all around Japan, are therefore not only historical witnesses to medical exchange between Japan and Korea, but are also important reference, which should be continuously examined hereafter, to Medical exchange among the three countries, Japan, China and Korea.

2 、眞柳诚：杨守敬的医书校刊及江户考证医学家的文献研究

楊守敬於明治 13 ～ 17 年赴日，購入諸多善本古籍，竝受到森立之的協助。森氏是幕末、明治初期考證醫學者，故楊氏得到不少醫書。 楊守敬還在日本編刊了《古逸叢書》，回國後曾從事出版活動。以往有關他出版醫書的整體狀況分析及背景研究尚不充分。本文研究表明，他 出版的醫書，主要有《聿修堂醫學叢書》 13 種（ 1884 ）、景宋本《脈經》（ 1893 ）、《武昌醫館叢書》 8 種（ 1904-12 ）等。另，臺北故宮所藏醫家類古籍 803 部中有楊氏觀海堂本 451 部，其中醫書尤以小島氏舊藏書為多。小島氏任幕府醫官，名尚質，其子為尚真、尚絅。他們致力於古籍校讐， 收藏善本頗多。楊氏 1890 年赴日，恰逢小島家最後一代尚絅去世，家藏古籍幾乎為楊氏所得。因此楊氏歸國後校刊的古醫籍，也反映了小 島氏等幕末文獻學的研究成果。

YANG Shoujing’s textual criticisms and publications of medical books, and the philological works by the Japanese scholars who criticized old medical texts in the Edo period.

YANG Shoujing 楊守敬 , who had been to Japan from the 13th year to 17th year (1880-1884) in the Meiji era, purchased a large number of reliable books there, and also obtained MORI Risshi’s 森立之 help. Since MORI was a scholar who criticized old medical texts between the end of the Edo period and the early Meiji era, YANG succeeded in gathering a large number of medical books. Then YANG compiled Guyi Congshu 古逸叢書 (Medical Series) and published it in Japan. After returning to China , he had pursued a publishing business. However, until now there has been insufficient research to analyze the whole circumstance concerning medical books printed by YANG and to investigate its background. This paper shows: the medical books printed by him are mainly Isshudo Yixue Congshu 聿修堂醫學叢書 in 8 books (1884); the facsimile of the Song edition of Maijing 脈經 (1893); Wuchang Yiguan Congshu 武昌醫館叢書 in 8 books (1904-12) and others. On the other hand, 451 books of the total 809 medical books in possession of the National Palace Museum in Taiwan are the form of Yangshi Guanhaitang 楊氏觀海堂 ; the largest number of YANG’s books are Kojima’s 小島 old stock. Kojima, who named Naotaka 尚質 , was an official physician of the shogunate. He had two sons, named Naozane 尚真 and Shoukei 尚絅 . This triad had worked hard on text criticising and collected many reliable books. YANG visited Japan in the 1890, when the last Kojima family Shoukei had passed away. Kojima’s books therefore became his collection. That is to say that the old medical books, printed by him after returning to China, reflect the Japanese scholar’s philological accomplishments at the end of Edo period, such as the Kojima family’s work.

3 、陈明：从古希腊到江户时代的日本：一个跨越时空的药方“四物荅儿牙吉”考

底野迦（ Theriaca ） 是古代希臘和羅馬流行的一種著名解毒劑，也演化爲一種萬能藥，長期在西方和中世紀的伊斯蘭地區廣爲使用。隋唐之際，底野迦由拂菻景教 徒傳入中國。有關 theriac 的醫方有數種，所使用的藥物及主治的功能略有 不同。隨著文化的傳播，逐漸從古代西方傳到了西亞的敍利亞、阿拉伯地區甚至明清時代的東亞世界。明末清初，西方傳教士往往携帶此藥， 來到亞洲（南亞、東南亞和東亞），使之成爲傳播福音的一件工具。康熙時期，此藥成爲清宮廷的一劑萬能良藥，頗受推崇。底野迦與宗教的 關係密切，其在亞洲的傳播，先後依托了景教、伊斯蘭教與天主教。

在明初《回回藥方》的漢語殘抄本中，保留了一個相關藥方的名稱“四物荅 兒牙吉”。 荅兒牙吉，對應拉丁文 Theriac 、阿拉伯文 Tiryàq ，即唐《新修本草》中的“底野迦”。 “四物荅兒牙吉”（ Tiryàq al-arba‘t ） 是由四味藥物配製的一付底野迦方劑，也被當作是窮人使用的底野迦，與使用鴉片、毒蛇肉入藥專事解毒的底野迦略有不同。該藥方至少在古 代希臘、敍利亞和中古阿拉伯、中國以及江戶時代的日本文獻中出現過，比較典型地顯示了藥物交流與地域文化變遷之間的關係，可以作爲一 個跨越族群與時空交流的藥方例證。本文以此藥方為例，梳理其在東西方的變遷和傳播的歷程，以及多個時代和地域的文化是如何接受和改造 這一充滿了傳奇色彩的藥物及其方劑的。

Cross-cultural transmission of medicine from Greek Antiquity to pre-modern Japan : case of the recipe “Theriaca of the Four”

As the most celebrated medicinal remedy in recorded history, theriaca ( thēriakã / theriac /thériaque ) was a ‘ universal antidote ’ against the bites of serpents, mad dogs and wild beasts , and later became a panacea to cure all known diseases. It was originated in Greek antiquity, and then was prevalent in the Roman Empery. In ancient Arab-Islamic world, Diryàq ( tiryàq/téryaqi/theriac ) was also a famed and popular antidote. During the Sui Dynasty(581-618CE) and early Tang Period(618-906CE),Theriac(Diyejia 底野迦 ) pills were brought by some Nestorian monks from Fu-Lin region in Western Asia into China, and recorded in Xinxiu bencao 新修本草 ( Newly Revised Pharmacopoeia) which edited by Su Jing 蘇敬 in the early Tang. Theriac was a compound medicine containing a lot of ingredients from animal, vegetable and mineral, especially money, opium and flesh of vipers. Along with the transmission of Euro-Asian cultures, European theriac gradually appeared in Syria , Arab-Islamic regions, China and Japan . In King Kanxi’s 康熙 (1662-1722CE) Court, Jesuits’ theriacs were still deemed to be a kind of ‘sacred medicine’ to treat various diseases. Chinese physicians in royal court also would like to use it. Anyway, It is worthy while to notice the relationship between the use of theriac and religions; for example, the transmission of theriac in Asia depended on the activities of missionaries of Nestorianism, Islam and Catholicism respectively.

In Huihui Yaofang 回 回藥方 (Muslim Medicinal Recipes) which probably copied in early Ming period (14 ^th century), there is a recipe called Siwu da-er-ya-ji 四物荅兒牙吉 in the 15 ^th Fascicle. The Chinese da-er-ya-ji transliteration of Arabic Tiryàq or Diryàq ， originally Latin theriac via Syrian Têryâķê or Têrîrķî . Many Muslim physicians mentioned this Tiryàq al-arba ‘t (Theriac of the Four) recipe, which contains four main ingredients, namely seed of laurel, gentian (jantiyànà) , long aristolochia (zaràwand ñawil) and myrrha. This recipe is very different from the above-mentioned theriac recipe that uses opium and flesh of vipers . It could treat poison and other many kinds of diseases, also called “the poor Theriac”. This “Theriac of the Four” was mentioned not only in the ancient Greek, Syria and medieval Arabic world and China respectively, but also in Japanese literature narrated by the merchants or Jesuit physicians from Netherlands . In very different space -time of Arab-world or Japanese islands, this recipe has a few changes so as to make suitable to indigenous herbs.

This paper will discuss the transmission of theriac via sea route with reference to “Theriac of the Four”, a case of crossing the social and religious boundaries. It will discuss the way in which this recipe changed and was received by local cultures in different space-time and also reveal the influence of ancient western medicine on pre-modern eastern Asian regions.

4 、金仕起：古步识小

篇論文旨在以傳統中國文獻中的步字為主軸，探討相關詞彙的意義與源流。步字的形體最初大概取象於人足前後相隨之跡，其意義則隨所在文 獻脈絡而有不同。作為行步之舉，步可以蹈、履等字合觀，而和征伐、巡省、勘察、推度等統治者的政治控制、疆土管理等行動發生聯繫。作 為行趨之節，步往往和武、行、走、趨、奔、翔等字相參，與所在的禮制空間有所連繫，可以彰顯個人的威儀禮容，反映人君的治術良窳和國 家的政情興衰。作為度量單位與技術，步可供測量長短和計算方圜面積，如步天之術可用以推度天時星曆，如步畝之數則可以掌握輿地廣狹， 及租稅賦役，是國家統治的重要基石；作為祭名或祭祀對象，如馬步、鬼步之屬，可以祈福祥、禳禍災；作為生生之具，如禹步、步罡之術， 又可以厭禁鬼物、療治疾病，或養生延年；在文學的領域中，又常見步虛之歌以描寫僊家的境界或抒發個人的心情。可以說，步既是古人認識 世界不可或缺的途徑，也是古人追求福祉、解決生命遭遇之疑難的重要技術之一，更是表達心境、信仰的一類媒介。那麼，這些各式各樣跨越 政治、禮俗和宗教等不同領域、不同意義的步彼此之間有無關係？如果有，是哪些關係？這些關係能不能反映傳統中國哪些有關身體、心靈和 宇宙的觀念或思維的特色？這些，就是本文嘗試探討的主要問題。

◎◎◎ Section 1-B

1 、李尚仁：在异教国度的奇迹医学：十九世纪西方传教医学在中国

本文探討十九世紀西方醫療傳教士在中國的活動以及他們所激起的爭議與衝 突。傳教士希望透過慈善醫療手段解除中國人身體病痛，博取中國人好感，促使他們樂於接受基督教福音。醫療傳教士偏好使用外科手術治療 白內障、割除腫瘤或是摘除膀胱結石，透過立即療效的戲劇效果讓中國人信服西方醫學。然而，強調西方醫學神奇的療效卻有其危險。許多中 國人認為傳教醫師在施行邪術，攻擊基督教的謠言、揭帖與小冊一再宣稱傳教士剜中國人眼睛、割掉中國人的內臟乃至取出孕婦懷中胎兒來煉 製迷藥與鴉片。這類謠言激起了好幾起攻擊傳教士的暴動事件。本文分析傳教士如何透過宗教儀式與論述使得他們的醫療活動具有濃厚的宗教 意涵，檢視中國人對於傳教醫學神奇色彩的反應，並且探討反對基督教的士大夫為何認為西方醫學是種邪術，以及他們如何透過中國傳統醫學 理論、民俗傳說以及正邪之分的文化傳統來了解傳教醫療活動，進而動員民眾加以反對。

Miraculous Medicine in a Heathen Land : Medical Missions to Nineteenth-Century China

This paper examines controversies aroused by western medical missionaries in China . The missionaries utilized surgical proceedings with dramatic effects to facilitate the conversion of the Chinese. However, the emphasis on the miraculous aspects of western surgery had its danger. Many Chinese identified the missionary medics as witch doctors. The Chinese anti-missionary propaganda repeatedly claimed that the missionaries gouged out the eyes of the Chinese for their practice of alchemy, and took away the organs of the natives to produced magic pills and opium. Several anti-missionary riots were instigated by this kind of rumours. This paper analyzes the ways the missionaries imbued their medical practices with religious meanings through rituals and discourse. It also discusses native reactions to the miraculous dimension of western medicine, especially how the anti-missionary Chinese gentry perceived western medical practice as a form of witchcraft through the filter of their cultural resources such as Chinese medical theories, literature and folklore.

2 、颜宜葳：中国早期教会医院中的病人

世界历史上最早的医院是一些慈善机构，直至 19 世纪中期，医院病人的主要成分仍是被社会抛弃的人。 1835 年以来，基督新教传教士医生以医院为载体在中国施医送药和传布基督教义。这些医院所处的社会环境与在西方 本土有很大的不同，病人的成分及其与医生的关系也与西方有异。为了认识教会医院在中国发展的过程，了解医院病人的构成实属必要。本文 通过总结医院报告中的病案记录及有关的少量统计，尝试回答病人的性别、年龄、职业、社会经济地位、所患疾病、留院时间、治愈率、收 费、归信基督教等情况，在此基础上讨论早期教会医院的性质和立足策略。

Patients in the Early Missionary Hospitals in China

Hospital emerged in Islamic World and in Europe , first to function as a philanthropic institution rather than a clinical center. Until the middle of the 19th century, hospital patients consisted mainly of those who had been thrown away by the society.

Around this period, medical science and medical profession in the West went through an accelerating process of fundamental transformation. Meanwhile since 1835, protestant medical missionaries, for the purpose of spreading their Christianity, began to bring western medicine to China on a relatively large scale; hospitals thus were chosen as the vehicle in which to carry on medical and religious activities, as well as a doorway to approach the often indifferent or even hostile Chinese common people. Unlike their counterparts in the West, early missionary hospitals in China placed in a unique social setting where the physician and the patients spoke different languages and held contradictory cultural and religious notions. Yet those rudimentary hospitals put down their roots whatsoever and gradually grew up into well-known local institutions, a change in a large extent effected through the influences that those hospitals had on their patients. The types and attitudes of the hospital patients, in turn, helped to shape the characters of the establishment. Therefore, questions are asked as to the nature and practices of early missionary hospitals, there will be a necessity to have clear ideas about the patients they treated.

earliest missionary hospitals in China have left their annual reports, which are the immediate records of their activities into which we still have access today. Quite a few reports noted down cases of special medical interests, and occasionally a statistics of patients’ backgrounds was given. From nearly a hundred such hospital reports, data have been collected regarding the hospital patients. The following questions are asked: (1) Gender, age, occupation of the patient, was he/she poor or rich? How many female patients were there, did the proportion change as time passed? (2) How far did the patient come from? Was he a native? Was he/she friendless? (3) Why did the patient enter the hospital? Had he/she been solicited by the doctor? Had he/she been introduced by a friend? Or was he/she simply driven into the hospital by some intolerable suffering? Was he/she there merely out of curiosity? (4) What disease did the patient suffer from? How long was the duration? Was it serious? Had the patient ever been treated by other physicians, no matter a western or a Chinese one? (5) What was the average length of stay in a hospital? (6) Did anyone pay for the treatment? In what form? What was the attitude of them to diseases and treatments? (7) Why did the patient leave? Was he/she cured? Was he/she discharged by the physician, or he/she went away by their own? (8) What was the attitude of the patient to Christianity? How many converts were there?

In replying these questions, this paper tried to outline the conditions and experiences of patients in the early missionary hospitals, to discuss the discrepancies between ideals held and reality met by the missionary hospitals, and to find out some of the reasons why these transplanted institutions were accepted by the Chinese soil.

3 、李乃适：

从 Maxwell 到刘士豪——二十世纪二三十年代北 京协和医学院的骨软化症研究

北京协和医学院在洛克菲勒基金会的全力支持 下，以美国约翰斯·霍普金斯医学院为范本，于二十世纪二、三十年代进入鼎盛时期，成为远东最好的医学院之一。其有关骨软化症的钙磷代 谢研究不仅为我国奠定了内分泌学的基础，而且在世界医学史上有着非常重要的地位。本文根据当时的文献资料，简要介绍了北京协和医学院 骨软化症研究的概况，并对该研究能够取得较大成就的原因进行了初步探讨。在北京协和医学院，最初研究骨软化症的是第一任妇产科主任 J.P.Maxwell ，他对山西、陕西等北方地区骨软化症的发病情况进行了实地考察，并且组织了一些初步的代谢研究。此后的代 谢研究由内科的代谢病房负责，开始是 R.R.Hannon 教授，后来是由 刘 士豪 教授的团队负责，团队成员包括刘士豪、朱宪彝、王叔咸、周寿恺等。生物化学系的 吴宪 教授对中国人食物的营养学分析为进 行骨软化症的钙磷代谢研究打下了可靠的基础，使骨软化症的代谢研究能够精确地进行。这项研究的顶峰是刘士豪和朱宪彝提出的“肾性骨营 养不良”的命名，并且沿用至今。然而，随着太平洋战争的爆发，北京协和医学院被日军接管，有关骨软化症钙磷代谢的研究戛然而止。本案 例说明了北京协和医学院初期的成功模式：来自于世界各国的优秀人才将先进的理念和方法学引入我国，并结合中国实际情况进行研究，此后 由优秀的中国学者继续进行全面而深入的研究。

From J.P. Maxwell to Shih-Hao Liu —— Research of Osteomalacia in Peking Union Medical College during 1920’ s and 1930’ s

Abstract: With the support of Rockefeller foundation, and with Medical College of Johns Hopkins University as the model, Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) became one of the best medical colleges of Fareast during 1920’ s and 1930’ s. research of calcium and phosphorus metabolism of osteomalacia in PUMC not only laid the foundation of endocrinology in China , but also played a very important role in world medical history. The article introduced concisely the condition of this research program, and analyzed primarily the secret of the program’s success. In PUMC, the first person to implement the research of osteomalacia was J.P. Maxwell, the first director of department of gynecology and obstetrics. He investigated the epidemiology of osteomalacia in North China including Shanxi and Shaanxi Province , and L.M. Miles, who was associate of department of gynecology and obstetrics, did some primary metabolic research. After that, The metabolic ward took charge of the metabolic research of osteamalacia, beginning with R.R. Hannon, and following with the team of Liu Shih Hao, the principle members of which were Liu SH, Chu HI , Wang SH, Chou SK , etc. The research about nutritional analysis of Chinese food completed by Professor Wu Hsien, Who was the 1st president of department of nutrition, PUMC ， made it possible to do the metabolism research of osteomalacia accurately. Liu Shih Hao was the core person of the research group. After graduated from PUMC in 1925 (the second class of PUMC), he became a resident and then a chief resident in internal medicine. He was the first graduate of the school to be appointed to the faculty in 1930, and rose through the ranks to become a full professor in 1941. He worked with Van Slyke first in Beijing and later during two periods at the Rockefeller Institute in New York . Liu’s group is best known for the studies on bone and bone mineral metabolism, including elucidation of the pathophysiology of tetany, pioneering studies establishing that adult osteomalacia and rickets in children are the same disorder, and important studies quantitating how calcium and vitamin D should be administered for the repair of the metabolic bone disease in osteomalacia. The most famous attainment of this work is the denomination of ‘renal osteodystrophy’ by Liu Shih Hao and Zhu Hsien I, which is now still widely used in the world. However, the research was stopped because Japanese army occupied PUMC after the Pacific War in World War Ⅱ. This case elucidates the successful model of PUMC in early time—the excellent researchers from all over the world brought the advanced concepts and methods, and did plenty of research about practical conditions of China ; after that, the thorough research was completed by Chinese scholars.

4 、黄艳红：传统之再生：当代中国的针刺麻醉

针刺在中国有悠久的历史，但用于手术中镇痛始 于 1950 年代。针刺麻醉在临床上首次出现应该说是针刺使用的一次新的尝试，或者说对针刺的效果的一种新的发现；但 按照中医的理论原则，针刺用来镇痛并不是新鲜事。然而从针刺在历史上的使用情况来看，此前针刺虽被用于缓解慢性疼痛，但从未用于手术 中镇痛（急性痛）。可以说，针刺麻醉是不算发现的发现。临床记载和报道中很少涉及进行此操作和掌握效果的针灸师（在这里，应该是他们 代替了麻醉师），于是，既没有针灸师，也没有了麻醉师，可以说是针刺麻醉是没有麻醉师的麻醉。并且，在临床统计的数字中，无效案例被 完全忽略。在很长一段时间里，只有临床效果的统计数据（其真实性不得而知），没有实验报告，更没有机理解释。在临床案例大量开展后， 机理研究才通过行政命令组织起来。在对针刺镇痛有效性的实验研究中，同样忽视反例。很多机理研究不是探讨普遍性，而是只抓住特殊人群 进行研究，如循经感传的研究。中国的机理研究大致有三条路径，结果表明，经络的研究没能说明针刺镇痛的机理，神经生理学和神经化学的 研究只在一定程度上解释针刺镇痛的效果，仍给传统文化（包括经络、“气”）留有空间。针刺麻醉是针刺技术、知识和中医理论等代表的传 统文化在现代社会的一次再生。这条再生之路让我们看到传统文化在现代社会再生可能面临的困境，也提示了我们应该选择的方式和态度。

Flexible Discovery and its Culture: A history of Acupuncture Anesthesia in China

Acupuncture was used for ease pain in surgical operations (namely Acupuncture Anesthesia, AA) in China since 1950s. A history of AA in China is re-constructed by answering six questions; I try to put forward the conception - “flexible discovery” to explain the particularities of Chinese scientific (medical) culture reflected by the history in this article. According to notions of modern main science, AA is a kind of discovery but may not surely be according to Chinese medicine culture. So it can be regarded as flexible. Its flexibility made it was the performance in operations but not the acupuncturists (or anesthetists) that to be concerned. The flexible views on defence tend to pay attention to “there is” more than to “all” in Chinese culture. Thus the efficiency of AA was illuminated by shows but not strict clinic reports, and the negative cases and people were rarely presented on the clinic statistics. There are three different but coexistent frames of explanation to mechanism of AA. The non-exclusive tolerance and acceptance of the theories is a kind of extension of the flexibility.

◎◎◎ Section 2-A

1 、邱玏：道教外丹术对《雷公炮炙论》的影响

外丹术是中国古代化学的原始形态，它起源于中 国，萌芽于春秋战国时期，形成于秦汉时代，而后在东汉末被道教吸收并入，成为其修炼成仙的炼养方术之一，在唐朝时达到鼎盛状态。它与 以人体为炉鼎的身心修炼术的内丹术相对，其内容是将自然界物质如丹砂、铅、汞等矿物石药为主要原料，有时还用到草木药和动物药，将其 放在真实的炉鼎中通过各种方法进行烧炼，以期得到长生不死仙药的一种巫术和科学相混的冶炼术。道教外丹术在其起源、发展的整个过程 中，都与中医药学发生了密不可分的联系，尤其是在唐朝奉道教为国教的繁荣时期，凭着上层统治阶级对道教修炼的重视，渗透入全社会的方 方面面，其中对中药制药学的影响比较显著。兹举《雷公炮炙论》以说明。

《雷公炮炙论》是我国第一部制药学专著，诞生 于隋末唐初，重订于唐末，其受道教外丹术影响比较明显，体现在将外丹禁忌、外丹操作诸如水飞、研磨、六一泥固济法、伏火法、关法等， 外丹器皿诸如瓷瓶子、瓷合子、瓷锅子、铛、筛罗、乳钵等移入炮制操作，并借用草木药炼丹的方法，将草木药作为辅料炮制药物，它是中药 制药学发展到一定历史阶段的产物，并且影响后世中药炮制绵延数百年，反映了道教外丹术对制药学发展的巨大影响。

Taoist External Alchemy is the original form of chinese ancient chemistry which originated from china, came into being in Spring-Autumn and Warring Periods ,formed in Qin and Han Dynasty ， and absorbed by Taoism in the late Eastern Han Dynasty,becoming one of the cultivational practices of Taoism ， and the height of power and splendour in Tang Dynasty.It differed from the internal alchemy of physical-mental cultivational pratice which take human body as stoves.It is a kind of witchcraft-science comfused metallurgy which put the natural substances including minerals such as cinnabar 、 lead 、 mercury,and herbs and animal drugs in ture stoves to clinker by all kinds of ways ,in order to acquire immortality drugs.

During whole process of original and development ， Taoist external alchemy had close connection with TCM,especially in the prosperous period of Tang Dynasty which took Taoism as state religion.It permeated every aspects of whole society as the upper governing class of Tang Dynasty attached importance to the Taiost cultivational practice,and had remarkable impact on pharmaceutics of TCM.take 《 Leigong Paozhi Lun 》 for instance.

《 Leigong Paozhi Lun 》 is first pharmaceutics treatise of china which was born in the late Sui Dynasty and beginning of Tang Dynasty and renewed in the late Tang Dynasty.It was dramatically influenced by the Taoist external alchemy.

First ， transfer Alchemy contraiadicate to the processing Chinese materia medica.for example ， taking bath 、 fasting 、 selecting silent place for the practice of Alchemy which is similar to the practice of processing Chinese materia medica.

Second,take advantage of herbs as excipients to processed Chinese materia medica including gynura bicolor 、 leaves of Zizyphus jujube 、 leaves alocasia rhizome 、 plantain 、 leaves of toxicaria etc.

Third,transfer practice of Alchemy to the processing Chinese materia medica including levigating 、 grinding 、 sealed six-one mud 、 Fu Huo method and closing method.

Forth, transfer the alchemy utensils to the processing Chinese materia medica including porcelain insulator 、 porcelain box 、 porcelain pot 、 saucepan 、 sifter and pestle etc.

conclusion ，《 Leigong Paozhi Lun 》 is historic product of the science of processing Chinese materia medica which influenced afterworlds for centuries,reflecting the distinct effect of Taosit external alchemy on the science of processing Chinese materia medica.

2 、张哲嘉：近代初期中医方土观的域外延伸

有關地理、飲食與體質之間的關係，乃是古今中 外醫學所共同關心的重要課題。中國環境與醫學相關的想法雛形，早在《黃帝內經》中已有提及，到了元代，逐漸形成一套新的方土論，有別 於先前主要以東西南北中五方來論說，元至清間的醫界，則普遍以東南相對於西北，來作有關體質與方土關係的論述。認為西北地勢高、飲食 濃厚、故身體強健；東南地勢卑、飲食清淡、故身體柔脆，也因此有不同適用的療法。

本文試圖指出，中醫的方土觀所適用的範圍已經 跨越了中華的疆界，同時也在明清時期，被用以解釋西北邊陲的蒙回民族、甚乃歐美諸國；認為身體比中原西北更為強健。不僅如此，東南海 外的琉球與日本，也同樣出現了他們的身體比中國江南人更為柔脆，是以不宜肉類，而應以海鮮蔬菜作為主食的論調。本文的後半部，將把重 點放在接受中國醫學日久的日、琉二國，如何看待延伸至中國域外的中醫方土觀，並運用以解釋其醫學與日常生活。

The Foreign Extension of Chinese Medical Theory of Locality

in the Early Modern Period

The correlation between geography, food and constitution is a major concerned shared by medical ideas of different system as well as different times. The Chinese ideas regarding environment and medicine could be traced as far as the ancient classics Yellow Lord’s Inner Canon. However, as to the thirteenth century, there developed a new medical theory of locality. Different from the classical doctrine identifying geography by the East, South, West, North, and Middle, the new ideas characterize the geography by northwest and southeast, to theorize the correlations between environment and constitution. They believe that the northwestern land is relatively higher, the food is dense and hard to digest, and therefore people’s body is robust; whereas the land in the southeast is lower, the food is lighter and soft, and thus people’s body is tender. Accordingly different area’s people have their corresponding therapies.

The theme of this paper is to point out that the Chinese medical theory of locality is actually adopted beyond the Chinese border. In the Ming-Qing period (fourteenth to early twentieth century), this theory is also applied to explain the Mongolian and Muslim people living to the Northwest, and even applied to the Europeans, considering their body is more robust than the Northwestern Chinese. As well, the countries southeast to China , such as Ryukyu and Japan , emerged the ideas that their land is even lower than the Southeastern China , therefore their body is even weaker, and people should avoid meat but eat seafood and vegetables. The emphasis of the latter part is to show how the Ryukyu and Japanese physicians considered the extended Chinese medical theory of locality, and how they applied it to provide explanations to the appropriate therapies and everyday life.

3 、甄橙：中西精神病学比较研究—以 19 世纪为例

精神疾病是现代困扰人类的常见疾病之一， 19 世纪对中西精神病学发展来说都是一个重要时期。因此本文选择 19 世纪对中西精神病学进行比较研究。通过阐述中西医学对精神疾病的认识及治疗方法，以期揭示中西精神病学的 相似与不同，以及产生分化的过程及原因。本文将以 19 世纪刊行的中医学原著为核心材料，结合分析 19 世纪西方精神病学史的研究论文和专著，通过文献分析、史学比较、医案分析等研究方法，力争得出比较客观的 结论，并以此为基础，表达一些对中西医学不同学术价值的思考。

The Comparative Study of Psychiatry between TCM a n d Western Medicine

----Both in 19th Century

The comparative study traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) history and western medicine history is a scientific approach devoted to the comparison of the medical system and their genres, events, people, achievements and methods which appear in different conditions both in China and in western world. The author will dedicate to obtaining an in-depth understanding of evolutional process and mechanism of medicine in order to deepen the understanding both TCM and western medicine.

Mental disease is one of the main debases persecuted human early from ancient time, characterized by its close relationship with psychological and social factors. The nineteenth century is an important development period either for traditional Chinese psychiatry or for western psychiatry. The similarity and difference between them and the differentiation process in their development will be highlighted. Take the TCM monographs printed and published in the nineteenth century as the core materials and combined the research articles and monographs on western psychiatry history. The present paper will summarize the similarity and difference in the understanding and treatment of mental illness between TCM and western medicine through the methods such as literature analyzing, historical comparison and analysis of medical cases, etc. And on the basis of such comparison, the author will provide some thinking about the respective characteristic and values of TCM and western medicine. The future direction in the development of TCM will be also presented.

◎◎◎ Section 2-B

1 、陈秀芬：晚明的养生知识、身体技术与社会阶层：一个比较的观点

養生向來是當代華人社會的熱門話題，在傳統中 國更是方術、醫家與道家（教）的重要課題。養生的傳統始於先秦，興於兩漢，盛於六朝與隋唐，修練者以方士、道士、少數士人與貴族為 主。自宋之後，隨著印刷術普及、商品經濟繁榮與市場機制蓬勃等現象，各種類型、主題的出版品大量湧現，連帶使得原本侷限於某些特定階 層、身分的知識與技術，得以有廣泛流通社會的條件。養生的思維與作為亦在其列，開啟了某些博識士人對於養生的興趣。到了晚明（十六世 紀中葉到十七世紀中葉），除了道教經典與醫學文本，士人的文集、筆記、日記、養生專書，以及閱眾更廣、近乎民間家庭手冊的日用類書 等，也大量摘錄了養生法、攝生術，對於個人與群體在日常生活中的食衣住行、言行舉止提出各種規範與論點。此時的養生除了因襲其防病、 療疾與壽生的傳統功能，更與俗人的起居、物質生活、美學觀感與文化品味有了更多的交集。對於世俗之人而言，養生的意義或不在「長生不 死」、「羽化成仙」之類的高遠理想，而在其現世的實用功能與實際目的：「修此身」、「養此生」，以長保安康。

為了釐清這個養生的「世俗化」、「文人化」現 象在晚明以及在整個中國歷史上的意義，本文將藉由不同類型的史料，來比較晚明不同階層、身分之人——例如士、庶、醫、道——對於養生 知識與身體技術的態度異同。除了階級與身分，本文同時將考量養生知識與技術和性別、年齡與地域等條件的關係。

Knowledge of ‘Nourishing Life’, Technology of the Body and Social Strata

in Late Ming China : A Comparative Perspective

This paper is an attempt to explore the theories of ‘nourishing life’ (yangsheng) – the specific techniques broadly aimed at physical and spiritual cultivation – and their practices in Late Ming (ca. 1550-1650) China . For a long time, ‘nourishing life’ had played a key role in the traditions of classic Chinese medicine and religion, in particular Daoism. From the mediaeval periods onwards, the initially restricted knowledge to certain social classes including the noble, the medical and the religious began to be widely spread into different fields mostly owing to contemporary rapid changes in society and economy. The social mobility, economic prosperity, emerging marketing system of commodity and advanced technology of printing all helped to secularise and popularise different types of medical knowledge. It is in this context that theories and practices of ‘nourishing life’ interested more people (in particular the literati and the laymen) than ever in addition to medical and religious practitioners.

It was not until the 16th and 17th centuries did the popularisation of knowledge of ‘nourishing life’ reach its peak. Apart from Daoist handbooks and medical writings, numerous late Ming scholars’ literary collections, jottings and family almanacs for daily use too recorded/transcribed a great deal of paragraphs and discourses on ‘nourishing life’ handed down from the antiquity. What these works of different genres demonstrate are mainly the ideas of ‘nourishing life’ and the techniques of the body by means of daily living, sleeping, exercising, washing, eating, drinking, travelling, etc.

highlight the transition/transformation of ‘nourishing life’ culture in the late Ming, my paper will be focused on the social strata of those who had showed great interest in the issues of ‘nourishing life’. Not only their social statuses and identities (ranging from Daoists, physicians and gentlemen to businessmen) will be detailed in depth, but the aspects of their sex/gender, ages, regions, etc. will be taken into account. In so doing, I hope this paper will contribute a better understanding to the ‘nourishing life’ as a system of life knowledge and body technology modified by the unique milieu of the late Ming. It will also help us to (re)evaluate the characteristics and significance of Chinese ‘nourishing life’ as a whole from times to times.

2 、内野花：东亚的乳母与母乳—从生命概念看来

由于本发表 , 把焦点用在乳母表明东面亚洲的生命概念。

在古代东亚，曾经存在着“乳母”，服务于由贵 族和富裕阶层组成的上流社会。乳母一手承担着新生儿的授乳与哺育的全责，因此雇主挑选乳母时非常慎重，综合候选者的家事、姿容、教养 等标准做出决定。有时乳母参与产妇分娩的场面，并担任剪断婴儿脐带的工作。通过授乳，乳母与婴儿之间缔结了一种虚拟的母子关系。无论 在心理上、在物质上，这种关系都非常紧密，以至于在婴儿长大成人之后，乳母对他的事情还保有很多发言权。

产妇的初乳，不仅具有高蛋白质、低脂肪、低乳 糖的优点，而且还有大量免疫脘球。如用初乳哺育婴儿，可以增强婴儿的免疫力；而且，授乳时母体分泌的后叶催产素，能促进子宫复原。可 是，在东亚，即便是庶民阶级，也有不用初乳育婴而转用乳母的风俗。

乳母制度，多起源于产妇因慢性营养失调而引起 的乳汁不足这一社会状况。不过笔者认为，在各种情况下，这种制度都在深层上与东亚独特的生命观念相联。这种观念认为，“婴儿是一种赐 予”，而“分娩在忌讳的事情之列”。 在为此、人们不以初乳而用乳母的乳汁哺饲他，从而生成了一种虚拟的母子关系。这就是何以乳母获得的巨大权限，有时甚至超过生母。

Nurse and Mother’s Milk in East from the Viewpoint of the Life Concept

This research considers the past life concept in East Asia , focusing on historical and ethnographic examples of nurses.

In ancient East Asia , there were women as nurses who nurse and raise babies of the noble and wealthy class. The selections of nurses emphasized their following views: their origins, figures, education, etc. Nurses often attended the birth and cut umbilical cords of babies. The fictive mother-child relationships became strong psychologically and physically, and nurses had much effect on their nursing children.

Colostrum contains rich proteins, low fat and lactose, and lots of immune globulin. Its feeding strengthens the immunity of the newborn baby, and this activity stimulates the uterine involution by oxytocin activation. However, in the past East Asia , many people fed not colostrum but the breast milk of others to babies.

Some recipes with carp and soybeans can improve milk flow disorder and prescribe women still now. Nurses were necessary for the social situations that many women suffering from lactation failure. Rather, this nursing system connected to the typical life concept, such as “God bless with a child” and “Delivery is abominable”.

3 、潘洵·唐伯友：战争环境下的社会医疗关怀—略论抗战时期大后方的医疗救护

抗战军兴，国府西播。大量党政军机关、工商企 业、文教团体等机构随之内迁，成千万的战争难民涌入，加之日机空袭开始及逐渐加剧，大后方的医疗救护工作面临着空前的考验。整个抗战 期间，对医疗救护工作压力最大的是空袭难民救护和传染性疾病防治。原本传统而脆弱的后方医疗系统和体制根本无法应对，国民政府迁都伊 始，就着重积极统筹大后方医疗建设：卫生署迁驻重庆，立即筹建地方医疗行政机构，制订和颁布政策、法规对医政、药政进行规范，为此后 大规模的医疗机构提供了组织和政策保障，如重庆卫生局成立就标志着大后方现代医疗卫生建设的开始。国民政府充分整合大后方原有的和战 时内迁的医疗资源，广设各级各类公、私立医院、诊所和卫生所；利用众多内迁医护院校培养急需医护人才。针对空袭救护，国民政府联合相 关部会成立救护总队和医护委员会，制定规则，分区负责，并委托若干大中医院设重伤医院和流动救护队、站协助军、警、民医院救护空袭难 民；设置救济院、所，辅之各类慈善团体收救、教育战争难民；针对疾病防疫，国民政府分别成立相关的防疫委员会，制订相关的法规、条 例，引进和培育各种疫苗，采取广泛种痘等措施预防，并成立专门医院医治。同时，在大后方建设了一批专科医院和完全针对平民的平民医 院。抗战期间，大后方一系列的医疗救护措施，促使了医疗机构的发展，有效地抗击了战争和疾病对后方人民的生存威胁，稳定了社会，凝聚 了人心，支援了抗战。

◎◎◎ Section 3-A

1 、韩毅：“仁政之行”与“方书辅世”：《太平圣恵方》在宋代的传播

——对宋代医学方书与社会多元交会

《太平圣恵方》是北宋政府官修的第一部医学方 书著作，由于其贯穿了“仁政之行”与“方书辅世”的思想，因而在宋代社会得到普遍重视，被宋人列为“国朝第一方书”。本文关注的问题 是：《太平圣恵方》在淳化三年（ 992 ）刊刻以后的传播情况如何？哪些阶层参与了对该书的介绍与传播，其侧重点有何异同，其传播途径有哪些？对 宋代医学与社会产生了何种影响？本文论述了《太平圣恵方》的编撰及其在宋代社会的分层传播，重点分析了宋代医学方书传播诸阶层的目的 及其动机。文章认为：对《太平圣恵方》医学知识的传播主要有四个阶层，一是皇帝和中央政府，其侧重点在于宣扬医学的“仁政”思想和权 威统治；二是宋代地方官员，其侧重点在于精选《太平圣恵方》中的实用药方，防治疾病，打击巫术，维护地方治安，宣扬政绩；三是宋代医 学家，其侧重点在于解释和发挥《太平圣恵方》中对各种疾病病因、病症和治疗药方的论述；四是宋代儒家士大夫、僧人和道士，其侧重点在 于介绍《太平圣恵方》的“惠民”思想，并将其引入到自己的学说中，扩大各自的知识来源和范围。这四个社会阶层的广泛参与，使《太平圣 恵方》在宋代社会的传播中出现了分层传播和跨界传播的现象，从而奠定了《太平圣恵方》在宋代医学发展中的独特地位。

Policies of Benevolence and Conducts State affairs Medical book: the Spread of Taiping Shenghuifang in Song China —— A Study on Knowledge Spheres of Medical Prescriptions and Society During the Song 960~1279, China

Taiping Shenghuifang ， the first official medical books, carried out perfectly the confucian policies of benevolence and conducts of medical books, was considered the first national medical book in Song Dynasty. Most people have attached highly importance to the book since then. The aim of the book is to improve the policies of benevolence and the mutual understanding and relationship among Song emperors, officers, doctors and common people. It has had a major impact on the knowledge world in Song China .

My paper focused on this problem, how Taiping Shenghuifang spread in the Song society when it is pressed in Chunhua 3 years of Songtaizong (992)? Which estates took part in the introduction to this book? What they were concerned about? What the spread ways was? What the influence of spread of Taiping Shenghuifang on the medical development and social progress was?

This paper discussed the spread of Taiping Shenghuifang in the Song society after its publication, and also analyzed the purpose and motivation of every social estate. I considered had four estates participation in the spread of the book. The first was the Song emperors and central government. They were very concerned about propagating policies of benevolence and authoritative rule, and also regarded it as a part of governmental rule. The second was local administrative officer. The important role of them was to carry forward official Policies of benevolence and medical knowledge legitimacy. They usually collected available prescription, so that they could prevent and cure epidemic disease, and maintained social stabilization. The third was the doctor. They accepted the pathogeny and symptom of a disease, and used widely prescription of Taiping Shenghuifang. The fourth was the confucian scholar-bureaucrat, Buddhist and Taoist. They focused on introducing the beneficent action of Song State to common people. At the same time, they usually carefully collected every applied prescription, and also magnified the knowledge Spheres. The participation of every estate came into being layered spread and intersectional spread of Taiping Shenghuifang. Taiping Shenghuifang brought some changes on the development of medicine and social progress in Song Dynasty.

2 、李淑慧：《苏沈良方》所见宋代医学知识之传承

以往对于中国医学史的研究，注意力多放在医学 知识本身的内容方面。尽管到目前为止，学界对于中国古代医学文献中所包含的医学知识已经有了比较详尽地研究，但对于古代社会的人们如 何获取、又如何传承医学知识这一问题，却仍然没有引起研究者的足够重视。资料是讨论医学知识如何在古代社会传承的首要问题，然而在中 国古代大多数文献资料中，直接与医学知识传承活动相关的记载却不太多。不过，古代医方书中却存在大量与此相关的记载，至今尚未引起学 界关注。医方简便易行、实用性较强，颇受爱好医术的士人重视。到了宋代，医方书的流传更为普遍，成为这一时期医学发展的一大特色。宋 代士人编修的方书著作并不仅单纯收录作者所收集的验方，为说明医方的效验，还特别强调作者本人的亲身经历或亲眼目睹；除一般的药物配 比以及病症描述之外，其中也记录了医方的来历、流传经过等一些相关信息。在宋代诸多医方书中，《苏沈良方》是一部出现较早的由私人编 修的医方书，对后世有着深远影响，而且该书中与医学传承活动有关的记载也非常详尽。另外，在宋代重视医学知识的士人群体中，其作者苏 轼与沈括均可称为该时代的著名代表人物。本文首先介绍《苏沈良方》的内容、版本、成书、流传经过，并进一步区分苏方、沈方。在此基础 之上，再结合其它相关史料，对宋代医学知识传承活动的具体情况及其发生的中间环节与具体形式进行深入细致地考察；最后分析医学知识、 以苏轼、沈括为代表的宋代士人、其他社会阶层三者之间的互动关系，深入探讨促使医学知识从密传、师传、家传中释放出来同时又被进一步 广泛传承的各种社会因素。

Transmitting and inheriting of medical knowledge in

Song dynasty from Su-Shen liang fang

The past studies about the history of medicine take much more attention on the content of the medical knowledge. Until present, though the medical knowledge in Chinese ancient medical literatures have been well studied, it is not still taken enough importance on the problem how the people in ancient society to acquire and spread medical knowledge. To discuss how the medical knowledge were transmitted and inherited in ancient society, the first problem is data, because there are seldom direct records on the transmitting and inheriting activations of the medical knowledge. But there are many data in ancient medical bookies of prescription, which were not been paid attention on the academe. With the characteristic of simple and convenient, the prescriptions were been thought highly by gentry who were keen on leechcraft. In order to show the efficacy of those recipes, the medical books of prescription not only embody proved recipes, but although emphasize experiences or discerning by the authorselves. Besides ordinary medicaments and descriptions of diseases, it also recorded some other informations, such as derivation and process of those prescriptions. During Song dynasty, the medical bookies of prescription became a great distinguished phenomenon of medicine development at that time. In those medical bookies of prescription, Su-Shen liang fang was not only a early one edited by private, but also had far more influence on later. Moreover the records about transmitting and inheriting of medical knowledge in those books were very full and exhaustive. In addition, both the writers Su Shi and Shen Kuo were famous representatives in the gentry who attached much more importance to medicine in the Song dynasty. First, this paper will introduce the contexts and the edition and the process of transmitting about Su-Shen liang fang. Then it will distinguish which was been written by Su Shi or Shen Kuo, integrate other correlate historical data to review the concrete ways of the medical knowledge transmitting and inheriting activations in Song dynasty, analyze its middle taches and forms, the relationships around medical knowledge and the gentry and other estates in Song society. Moreover, all sorts of social factors which urged medical knowledge released from transmitting and inheriting forms of secret or master or family, abroad transmitted and inherited at the same time will be deeper discussed.

3 、吴致远：香料与中医

中国使用天然香料的历史很悠久，《诗经》中就 提到了不少带香气的植物。但囿以中国大部分地区气候温凉，不太适宜香料植物的生长，秦汉以前仅有兰、蕙、椒、桂第少数解味香料。至晋 武帝时，南亚香料始进入中国，及隋代后，东南亚的香料便开始大量涌入。也正是之这一时期，香料才得以渐渐被中医药所吸收。随着中医药 和制香业对香料需求的不断增大，香料的用量也逐渐增多。至唐、宋、元、明、清各时期，海外盛产的香料更是源源不断地通过“海上丝绸之 路”输入福建泉州港，再转往全国各地。香料作为外来的物产，对中医的影响也就越来越大，宋时许多福建名医均采用东南亚诸国的香药调配 药方，成为民间常用的药品， 以致外来的香料与本土中医药的关系日益融合，在极大地丰富了中医药文化的同时，也彰显了不同民族、不同国度、不同文化之间相互作用、 影响和发展的特质。

4 、梁嵘·罗大中：清末江南医疗文化管窥 ------- 《王孟英医案》中的误治医案分析

通过对《王孟英医案》中误治医案的原因分析， 了解在清末时期，江南的医生所面临的病人具有怎样的医学文化特征？

《王孟英医案》记录了医案约 664 例，卷一有病症 16 种，基本可归为外感病；卷二有病症 41 种及杂治 1 章，基本可归为内伤杂病。在这些医案中，被王孟英归为误治的医案数量十分可观， 362 个外感病病案中，有误治历史的 214 例，占 50.1% 。 284 例内伤杂病医案中，有误治历史的 168 例，占 59.2% 。误治的种类主要可概括为 11 种，如温散、温补、滋阴、通下、固涩、清热、疏肝、疏风、燥湿、养血、消导等。外感病误治率的前 3 位为：温补（ 102 例， 47.7% ）、温散（ 87 例， 40.7% ）和滋阴（ 20 例， 9.3% ）；内伤病误治率的前 3 位为：温补（ 98 例， 58.3% ）、温散（ 46 例， 27.4% ）、滋阴（ 18 例， 10.7% ）。在诊病时，医生的诊断是否正确，医生开出的药方是否能服用，往往需由病人及其家属来决定，病人甚至根 据自己对身体和医学的认识来引导医生进行治疗，而医生也往往迎合病人的要求。特别值得注意的是，大众对补益医疗文化的认同，病人所采 取的养生方法构成了《王孟英医案》中误治的重要组成部分。

Have a restricted view of the Jiangnan medical culture in the late qing dynasty

— analysing the mistreatment cases in 《 WangMengying medical records 》

Try to Comprehend the characters of medial culture of the patients faced by Jiangnan doctores by analyzing the cause of mistreatment cases in 《 WangMengying medical records 》

There are about 644 cases recorded in the 《 WangMengying medical records 》 and 16 diseases are refered in the first volume which can be summarized as exogenous disease ， 41 kinds of diseases and one chapter of mixed treatment are involed in the second volume which can be summarized as internal diseases. there are large quantity of mistreatments sorted by WangMengying in the records, In 362 cases of exterior disease, 214 of them are mistreatment which achieved at 51%, and 168 cases are mistreatment in the 284 cases of internal diseases, achieved at 59.2%. The category of the mistreatment can be sum up to be 11 kinds such as: worm to disperse cold ， worm tonifying , nourishing yin, purgating, inducing astringency , clearing away heat, dispersing the depressed liver-energy 、 expelling wind 、 depriving the evil wetness 、 replenishing blood, relieving dyspepsia. The top three ratiot in exogenous disease is: worm tonifying （ 102case ， 47.7% ）、 warm to disperse cold (87case,40.7%), and nourishing yin （ 20case ， 9.3% ）； The top three ratio in internal disease is: worm tonifying （ 98case ， 58.3% ）、 warm to disperse cold （ 46case ， 27.4% ）、 nourishing yin （ 18case ， 10.7% ） . Whether the diagnosis is correct and the prescription can be taken is always determined by the patients himself and the family member when treating disease. Even the patients guide the cure according to their own knowledge of the body and medicine. And the doctor often cater to the requests of patients. Tt's worth noting especially that the identification of the mass to the tonifying culture and the health cultivation methods adopted by patients comprises an important component within the mistreatment in 《 WangMengying medical records 》 .

◎◎◎ Section 3-B

1 、江佩蓉：病人与医者－十七至十九世纪台湾医疗手抄本探讨

十七世纪初 ( 一六二四年 ) 荷人据台后至一八九三年，台湾的漳、泉洲移民已由十七世纪初的十万，增至二百五十万人。随移民渡海来台的 医疗经验，主要以手抄本的形式传播与流传，在这两百多年的时间，民间相传的医疗手抄本经验，是民众治病、保生的主要凭借。

医疗手抄本的记载形式与传世医书并不相同，记 录文字中常见异体字，图像纪录不同于传世医书中既有图像，疾病种类也多所偏重。

本文主要在比较台湾医疗手抄本与传世医书的记 载形式、所使用的文字、图像内容，与其中所记载的疾病种类；并由记载形式与使用文字探讨医疗经验的形成、纪录与流传，并由疾病种类推 论当时可能的医者与病人群，与当时的社会概况。当时为病人治疗疾病的医者，绝非太医院官员，也非「儒医」，而可能是所谓的走方郎中、 练武、习武之人或僧侣与道士，同时医者的身份不可避免地决定了病人群、疾病种类、手抄本记录与流传的方式。

手抄本的医疗内容，俱是真实经验的纪录与传 承，呈现了台湾人民在十七至十九世纪医疗知识与行为，也反映了当时社会与自然环境对人们身体的影响。

2 、苏奕彰：医疗内容的变迁－台湾医疗手抄本的外科病名与症状

自十七世纪初 ( 一六二四年 ) 荷人据台至十九世纪末，台湾移民已由早期的十万，增至二百五十余万人。随移民渡海来台的医疗知识多源自于 大陆寺庙、道观与民间经验，纪录与流传的形式主要是手抄本，而这些医疗内容是这近三百年期间，数百万人民治病与保生的凭借。

但这些医疗知识与内容，也在随移民渡 海之后逐渐发生变化，手抄本所载录的外科疾病名称与症状描述，已不同于传世医书的用词与用字。例如「木羡」一症，未见于中医文献，是 闽南语的特有病名，但医疗手抄本中已记载相关症状与治疗，主要是指现代医学的花柳性淋巴肉芽肿或者是腹股沟淋巴结。例如「走癀」在中 医传世医书中，多指外科疾病病程中，广泛的红、肿、热、痛症状，但在手抄本中，多以「发癀」代替走癀，泛指所有的红、肿、热、痛症

在十七世纪初至十九世纪末这近三百年间，新的医疗纪录与知识随经验的累积而增加，本文 目的在探讨手抄本中所记载外科疾病的内容变迁，以疾病病名与症状描述为主，并试图推演变迁发生的脉络，重现当年移民生活在疾病与医疗 的社会与历史轨迹。

3 、张淑卿：国际援助与战后台湾护理教育与实践之转变：一个初步的观察

本文擬以「國際援助與戰後台灣護理教育與實踐之轉變：一個初步的觀察」為題，探討 1950 、 60 年代於台灣護理界的轉變。 1949 年，隨著國民政府遷台的國防醫學院等軍醫體系，將以「美式醫療」為主體的協和體系，帶入台灣。美國醫藥在 華促進會（ ABMAC ）、中國農村復興委員會（ JCRR ）、以及 1951 年開始運作的美援會 Council on US Aid (CUSA) ，提供獎助學金至美國進修， WHO 、 UNICEF 也提供部分的資助。台灣的護理教育開始走向「現代美式護理」之路。

本文的探討面向有三：一、協和體系與國際援助的介入。根據老醫師的回憶錄、傳記，或台 大醫學院與其附設醫院，以及國防醫學院的院史，都提到美援、美國在華醫藥聯合促進局、農復會、 WHO 對其硬體設備、人員訓練經費的提供與支持。另外，大陸時期的協和體系人員，隨著國民政府遷台，對於醫療護 理人力的正面效果。

二、護理教育與護理工作之改造。國際援助之下，台灣開始派送優秀的護理人員出國進修， 而來自哈佛等名校的護理工作者與教育者也應邀來台指導，護理教育與護理實作逐漸脫離日治時期的傳統，走向所謂「現代美式護理」之路。

三、台灣護理界之回應。當國際衛生援助機構，將西方主流醫學擴散至世界各地時，似乎是 強迫受援國需大量的接受西方的醫療衛生之概念與技術，台灣當時是如何回應？對日治時期以來的護理傳統產生哪些衝擊？對戰後台灣護理體 系或技術又有何重要影響。

Foreign Aid and Transformation of Nursing Education and Practice in Postwar Taiwan ： A Preliminary Analysis

This paper provides an analysis and investigation into international organizations’ influence in the development of nursing education and practice in Taiwan during the 1950’ s and 60’ s.

In 1949, the Kuomintang government relocated to Taiwan reestablished the system of Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) on the island. It was during this time that the Wartime Health Personnel Training Center and the Army Medical College introduced medical training based on the American medical system.

In 1951, aid from the United States and organizations such as the American Bureau for Medical Advancement in China, Inc. (ABMAC) and Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR) offered grants to Taiwanese medical personnel to study in America . WHO, UNICEF also played part in providing scholarship s and assistance. It was during this period that the nursing education and practice began to be based on the modern American nursing.

This paper is presented in three sections. The first section explains the origin, formation, and introduction of the Peking Union Medical College and foreign aid in Taiwan . These are based on biographies and memoirs from old retired doctors and the history of the National Taiwan University College of Medicine or the National Defense Medical Center . These historical accounts all credit the aid received from the United States and other international organizations: ABMAC, JCRR, and WHO. These organizations supplied the medical equipment; provided financial assistance in the construction of facilities; or gave scholarship grants for the training of medical personnel. The accounts also highlight the positive influence of PUMC after its arrival in Taiwan , which brought its system and manpower.

The second section explains the reform of nursing education and practice. Using foreign aid, the Taiwan government began to select excellent nurses or nursing educators and sent them abroad to pursue research or further training and education . At the same time, nurses and nursing educators from renown universities, such as Howard University , were invited to Taiwan to give counseling or instruction. It was then that the nursing tradition under the Japanese colonial period was gradually replaced by modern American nursing.

The third section is on the feedbacks given by the Taiwan nursing community about the modern American nursing system.

In summary, this paper attempts to reflect on the influence of foreign aid to Taiwan and stresses the impact of international aid organizations’ “patriarchal style” on Taiwan ’s nursing development. The paper examines the reaction of society and local citizens when new medical systems or concepts were transferred to Taiwan and how the new systems or concepts were adapted or modified.

4 、张素玢：移民、疾病与环境——以台湾的农业移民为例

在日本文獻中常描述來自溫帶的日本 人，在台灣因醫療與環境不良，飽受熱帶傳染病所苦，「衛生」的日本人與「不潔」的台灣成為強烈的對比。以台灣東部的日本移民村來觀 察，果真台灣的本土病是日本移民的致命殺手？瘧疾更是移民性命的頭號敵人？本文將考察台灣東部花蓮港廳日本移民的健康問題，並澄清移 民疾病問題的刻板印象。

日本帝國統治下的日本移民村，是一個 純粹由日人組成的封閉性村落，並沒有與附近台灣人形成鄰里關係。這種外來族群集居的村落，是環境衛生學極好的研究對象；不但可以比較 移民與日人、移民與台灣人的健康狀況，更可以從不同疾病的罹患率，分析移民社會的問題。

日本統治時期有關台灣醫療史的研究， 常以殖民者為本位，深植「日本人是台灣殖民地風土病受害者」的印象，但移入台灣的日本移民，更可能是疾病的橋樑，帶進疾病危害台灣本 地人民。本文將逆向思考移民、疾病與環境之間的問題，爬梳文獻並配合實際調查進行研究，為跨族群的醫療史提供另外一個視角。

◎◎◎ Section 4-A

1 、陈昊： 刊之岩石、传以救病—龙门石刻药方与题记所见唐代初期方药知识在阶层与地域之间的流动

龍門石窟 1387 號窟，即所謂的藥方洞，因其兩側門券上刻有藥方而得名。過去曾誤將藥方刊刻年代繫於北齊武平三年，經近年 來的研究，基本將其年代定於唐代初期。但由於並沒有刊刻人的題名，藥方的知識來源及其在怎樣的人群中傳遞，都是頗多爭議的問題。本文 以前賢對藥方年代的考訂爲基礎，系統收集龍門石窟題記中與藥方刊刻年代大致相當者，以勾勒唐初龍門藥方傳佈的社會網絡，

古代中國社會，人群的流動性、知識的傳遞都一 方面與身份、階層密切相關，國家官僚制度成爲社會流動性主要的動力之一。龍門題記所見皇室成員、官員與普通民衆的地域來源，與這種古 代的身份等級與國家官僚制度密切相關；另一方面與交通條件密切相關。龍門因其臨近東都洛陽，洛陽居於内中國的中心位置，它在軍事防禦 和商業流通方面都承擔著重要的樞紐任務。但中古的佛教信仰力量成爲超越階層與地域，造成社會流動性的重要動力，各地甚至異國的僧侶與 清新徒來到龍門尋求佛法，也造成了龍門藥方知識流動的社會基礎。而其中的醫者與禱病者，成爲醫學知識傳遞最直接的受眾。由此可以了 解，唐代初期龍門藥方的知識如何在佛教的影響下，在僧人與普通民衆之中廣泛傳佈。

Carving the Formulary on the Rock for Diffusing the Medicine Knowledge to Cure the Sick People: the Fluidity of Medicine Knowledge between Different Estates and Areas in the Records of the Inscriptions and Remdies of Longmen Grottoes in the Early Period of Tang Dynasty

The Cave No. 1387 of Longmen Grottoes in Henan Province , known as Yaofangdong, is named after the remedies carved on the arch of it. It lies at the south section of West Longmen Mount. The remedies which should be carved in the early period of Tang dynasty, are used to be considered as being carved in 577 AD by mistake, the third year of Wuping of the North Qi Dynasty, in the book called “The Collection of Epigraph” (Jinshi Cuibian). It’s one of the most important sources of the medical history in medieval China . But there is no records on who carves them or supports them, so there is no agreement on the source of the remedies and which people could get to know the medicine knowledge from the cave. Based on the research on the time of the carving of remedies, we collect the inscriptions of Longmen Grottoes around the early period of Tang dynasty to analyze the social network of how the remedies have been diffused at the time. When we collect the data, the timing is not the only thing that we pay attention to, but also we pay a lot of attention to which cave we get them and which position is the cave of the Cave No. 1387. Based on the research of which part of Cave No. 1387 the formulary has been carved, we are trying to get to know the social function of Cave No. 1387 the early period of Tang dynasty and how the social function influences the diffusion of the remedies.

Several medicine manuscripts found in Dunhuang by Stein named “Single Ingredient Verified Remedies to Prepare for Emergencies” (Beiji danyan yaofang), have various textual parallels with the remedies of Longmen Grottoes. They mention that they should carve the formulary on the rock for diffusing the medicine knowledge to cure the sick people. It’s supposed to be an important way to diffuse the medicine knowledge by carving it on the rock, and sick people can get it for the rock or hearing for other people have seen the remedies carved on the rock. But the question is that how and by who does the remmdies carved on the rock spread to other places. In ancient China , the fluidity of groups and the diffusion of the knowledge are relevant to the identity and estate and the possibility of the transportation. The bureaucracy of the country is one of the most important dynamic powers of the social mobility. When we analyze the data of the places where do the members of the royal family and officers go to, the start and the destination of their journey are relevant to the bureaucracy. The cause of the mobility of the royal family and the officers of capital are different form the officers of the local government. It’s easier for the officers to go to somewhere than the normal people. The Longmen Grottoes is close to Luoyang , Eastern Capital (Dongdu or Shendu under the reign of Wu Zetian) of Tang Empire, which is the center of inner China . It is the hinge of the military and commercial affairs of Tang Empire. The Longmen Grottoes has been one of the Buddhism centers which has the most convenient traffic condition. It’s a good choice to carve the remedies on one of the cave of Longmen Grottoes . The further question is that how is the relation between the remedies carved on the rock and the formulary on the remedies in medieval China . How does the interaction between epigraph and manuscript make the diffusion of knowledge easier?

But the belief power of Buddhism becomes one of the ways to cross the boundaries of different estates and areas in medieval China , which makes the dynamic power of the social mobility of the believers. The monks and believers from different areas and countries come to Longmen Grottoes, and it is possible they will see the remedies and bring them back. For example, the Longmen remedies are brought back to Japan by monks who come to Tang Empire and collected in their medicine books. Besides the monks, the physician officers and the sick people come to Longmen Grottoes and pray for curing, who will pay more attention to the formulary currently. It will help us to know how is the knowledge of medicine diffused between the monks and common believers through the influence of Buddhism. Though we admit the diffusion of the formulary is influenced by the social network constructed by Buddhism belief, we do not think that it proves the remedies of Longmen Grottoes come from the medicine knowledge of monks of temples in Longmen. Both the formulary of Longmen Grottoes and the “Single Ingredient Verified Remedies to Prepare for Emergencies” (Beiji danyan yaofang) found in Dunhuang are parts of the popular medicine culture in Tang Dynasty. Officers, monks and doctors collect the prescriptions which are heard to have good effects, try them, give them to relatives and friends and compile them to a patient’s emergency handbook devoted chiefly to remedies for such common diseases. There are prescriptions influenced by Buddhism medicine absolutely. But the most significative feature of the formulary composed by these prescriptions is the fluidity of knowledge which is not only between the between different estates and areas but also between the monks and common believers.

2 、梁茼：晋隋之际术数与医学著作中五行学说的演变

五行学说滥觞于商周两代，建成于春秋战国时 期，鼎盛于汉代。在汉代，五行学说广泛渗透于社会生产、生活的许多方面，对当时的医学、天文学、社会管理学与气象学产生深远的影响， 其中尤以医学为突出。

中医学的历史发展存在三个断裂（变革）期，即 春秋战国时期（周秦时期）、汉魏之际和民国时期。按谢氏的观点，由“两汉之世，为专门传授之期”，而“魏晋至唐，为搜葺残缺之期”。 唐代医学不乏集大成式著作，而唐代以前，晋代至隋代的学者对于前代学术材料的总结与综合，可谓功不可没。晋隋之际撰成的《肘后备急 方》、《针灸甲乙经》、《脉经》和《诸病源候论》等医学著作，都或多或少提及“五行”；而《玉照定真经》、《灵台秘苑》和《五行大 义》等术数著作，更是在五行学说的演变过程中起了重要的作用。

当然，五行学说由其文献检出频数的角度来说， 它在同时期接近方技末学的医学中的地位，似乎不如其在术数领域来得显赫。中医学与术数的五行学说在历史上颇有渊源，两者的发展变化脉 络之间有着千丝万缕的联系。探索晋隋之际五行学说在术数与医学著作中的发展与变化，对于研究唐宋医学具有关键的意义。

The evolution of Wu Xing theory in the ancient Chinese divinatory and medical books between Jin Dynasty and Sui Dynasty

The Yin-yang and Wu Xing theories are regarded as the foundation to the understanding of the Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM)(Li, 2002). In addition, the Wu Xing theory (also treated as a theory about five basic phases including Metal, Wood, Water, Fire and Earth) in particular, is thought to enhance the holistic character of TCM (Liu, 1982). The Wu Xing perspective is even regarded as “the thinking law and the common belief of the universe system of Chinese people” (Gu, 1982).

Based on the relationships and correspondence among particular substances and five Xings, the Wu Xing theory tries to cover most things in the world by establishing a delicate symbolic frame system. Not only climates, seasons, colours and tastes but also tissues and organs et al have been classified into five different categories symbolised by “Metal, Wood, Water, Fire and Earth”, which serve as the foundation of the unique thinking pattern in which the Wu Xing intertwined model was developed. Besides, Xing originally represented the four-legged intersection which were derived from the similar figure of ancient Chinese character “Xing” with “Jing” (square-fields), and signified the road or street crossings. (Ren, 1979) Thus Xing is thought to carry the meaning of dynamic process or changes, which helps to understand the unique thinking pattern that Wu Xing theory is based on.

The Wu Xing theory generated in Shang and Zhou Dynasties, developed in the Spring and Autumn and Warring States period and flourished in Han Dynasty (Liu, 1993). The Wu Xing theory has spread to such as medicine, astrology, meteorology and social administration of that time. It is important that the Wu Xing theory has a strong impact on ancient Chinese medicine of Han Dynasty. People and doctors of the time got used to reasoning and analysing the symptoms of diseases.

It is thought that there are three divided (or called “reform”) periods, i.e. the Spring and Autumn and Warring States period, the period between the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms and the period of the Republic of China (Li, 2007). According to Xie’s opinions, the years between the Jin Dynasty and Tang Dynasty are a period of searching, collecting and summarizing the academic works of ancestors (Xie, 1997).

There could hardly be so many great medicine books if the scholars between the Jin Dynasty and Sui Dynasty did not make their efforts and contributions to academic compilation. For instance, Emergent Prescriptions behind elbows (Zhou Hou Bei Ji Fang) By Ge Hong, Classics of Acupuncture and Moxibustion (Zhen Jiu Jia Yi Jing) by Huangfu Mi, Classics of Mai ( Mai Jing ) by Wang Shuhe and On Derivation and Symptoms of Diseases (Zhu Bing Yuang Hou Lun) by Chao Yuanfang are famous ancient medical books which play significant roles in the development of TCM. Moreover, it is interesting that the word “Wu Xing” is found repeatedly in books mentioned above.

Since the ancient medicine have quite a few correlations with the ancient divination particularly in Wu Xing theory (Li, 2000), it is no doubt that the studies of ancient medicine and divination should be carried on in coordination. Between Jin Dynasty and Sui Dynasty, such as Classics of Real Mirror (Yu Zhao Ding Zhen Jing) by Zhang Yong, Secret Gardens of Heaven (Ling Tai Mi Yuan) by Yu Jicai and General Theory of Wu Xing (Wu Xing Da Yi) by Xiao Ji mentioned or quoted Wu Xing theory once and again. Wu Xing theory as a branch of ancient divination, still remains mysterious in its function for the persistent interaction between ancient medicine and divination.

In short, the Wu Xing theory can be regarded as a thinking method consist of five pivotal phases (or processes) that represent a dynamic and vital analogy between the complex system of Nature and five phases corresponding to relevant characters. With an association of ideas according to the delicate symbolic frame system represented by Wu Xing theory, ancient Chinese magicians and doctors were capable of understanding and analyzing life, society and nation as a whole intelligibly.

3 、容志毅：“消魔”的隐喻——道教的药物观和疾病观与民间药俗

“消魔”是道士对药的称呼，东晋时就已经有了 , 即所谓的“仙真并呼药为消魔”。然而道士将药称为“消魔”却不是偶然的，而是与道教对于药物和疾病的观念 密切相关的。道教继承并发展了万物有神的观点，认为人身体中的每一部份都有与之相应的神，神在则无病，神去则生病；哪个部份的神离体 而去，则相应的部份就会生病。当然，神是不会无缘无故离开身体的，它们是受到魔的侵扰才被迫离开的，以致造成身体因缺神而生病。因 此，要想治病，首先就要将体内的魔消灭掉。从这个意义上说，凡是能消灭邪魔的事物，就都可以称之为药，药也因为它具有消灭魔的作用而 被道士称为“消魔”。事实上，在道教的信仰中，除了各种各样的神外，还有各种各样的魔，而且每一种魔又都面临着能够消灭他们的药，这 样，道教也就有了形式多样、种类各异的药。常见的本草之所以能够治病，就是因为他们能够消灭侵入身体的邪魔，让离去的神重新返回体 内。例如当肝脏的神被邪魔侵袭离去后，肝脏就会生病。因此，凡是能够消灭肝脏中的魔的本草，就都是治疗肝病的药；那些消灭邪魔效果较 好的本草，就是药力较佳的本草，故才有所谓的“帝王草”、“大臣草”和“人民草”之称。甚至，像符、箓、咒、诀等图文和语言，因为同 样具有驱魔降神的作用，它们也都被道士视之为药。道教的这些药物观和疾病观，不仅在很大程度上改变了它的成仙模式、治病手段、修炼方 法和制药过程，而且也深刻影响了民间的各种风俗习惯和药事活动，是道教医药与民间传统文化相互作用、影响和渗透的历史产物。

The Metaphor of " Xiao Mo

______ View of Medicine and Disease and the Custom of Folk Medicine

"Xiao Mo " 消魔 ( kill the evil spirit) was the Taoist priest’s call to the medicine, which began in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. But it is not accidental that the Taoist priests called the medicine " xiao mo", it was closely related the ideas of medicine and disease with Taoim 。 Taoism has inherited and developed the idea that everything has its spirit, and every part in the bodies of people has the spirit corresponding with it, if the god leaves the body, then the corresponding component will fall ill. Certainly, the god will not leave the body gratuitously, they are invaded and harassed by evil spirit and leave the body by force, which cause the body to fall ill because of lacking the god. So, if you want to cure the disease , you should kill the evil spirit soon at first. In this sense, every things that can kill the evil spirit can all be called medicines, and the medicine called " xiao mo the Taoist priest because it has function of killing the evil spirit too. In fact, in the faith of Taoism, besides various god, there are various of evil spirit, and every evil spirit has to face the medicine to eliminate them, like this, just there is various informative medicine different in kind in Taoism. The Common herbaceous can cure the disease, because they can eliminate the evil spirits who invade the body, and let the god leaving away return in the body again. The god of the liver is attacked by the evil spirit and left away, the liver will fall ill. So, the herbaceous can eliminate the evil spirit in the liver are the medicines curing hepatopathy; those eliminate the evil spirit well is the good medicine, they are so-called “Di Wang Cao” 帝王草 (“Emperor Grass " )“Da Chen Cao” 大臣草 (" Minister Grass ") “Ren Min Cao " 人民草 (" People Grass ",) Even , the picture and language such as Fu, Lu, Zhou, Jue can be regarded as medicine by the Taoist Priest too just because they have the same function of eliminating the evil spirit. These Taoism’s view of medicine and disease not only changed the mode of becoming the celestial being, the means of curing the disease, the method of practising and course of pharmacy with a great extent, but influenced the folkways and customs and the medicine activities deeply. These Taoism’s view is the historical result of the interacting and influencing in medicine and folk traditional culture.

◎◎◎ Section 4-B

1 、朱建平：体质学说：中医与朝医的不同诠释

作为体质学说的奠基之作，中医《内经》与朝医 《东医寿世保元》有着不同的诠释。《内经》关于中医体质学说的论述，涉及体质分型、体质与生理、发病、病理、辨证、防治、预后的关系 等。其中体质分型，按五行分为木、火、土、金、水型，每型又据五音的偏正多少、推演再分为五型，即五五二十五型；按阴阳分为太阴之 人、少阴之人、太阳之人、少阳之人、阴阳和平之人等五型；按肥瘦分为肥壮人、瘦人、常人 ( 肥瘦适中 ) 、壮士、婴儿五型；又把肥人分为膏、脂、肉三型；按勇怯分为勇士、怯士两型；按情志分型分为形乐志苦、形 乐志乐、形苦志乐、形苦志苦、形数惊恐等五型。最早提出比较全面的体质分型，在一定程度上揭示出了体质的基本特征，成为中医体质学说 的渊源。论述年龄、性别不同而体质也不同。体质虚弱者在发病中的易感性，体质壮实者在发病中就比较耐受力。个体体质的特殊性，在病理 过程中会有倾向性。不同体质对针药有不同的耐受力和反应度，强调体质在辨证、防病治病中的意义，主张“因人制宜”，辨体施治。体质因 素对疾病预后常常起到决定性的作用。

朝鲜四象医学是 1894 年李济马在《东医寿世保元》中提出的以体质为主的医学体系，有其独特的内涵，又直接受到《内经》体质学说 的影响。它根据《灵枢·通天》五态人之论，按脏局短长、阴阳变化分为太阴、太阳、少阳、少阴四象人。四象人的差异不仅表现在形态、类 型上，而且还表现在生理机能和心理性格特征等方面。“四象”一词源于《易经》，但与《易经》并没有实质性的联系，仅作为四元构造分类 法思维的象征符号。本于“太极生两仪、两仪生四象”之旨，用四维之四象来说明脏理、生理、病理。提出“药乃局限于人”，强调人体对药 物的选择性。根据脏器大小、阴阳多少理论，遵照“大者泻之，小者补之”原则，由每一象要药构成基本组成，形成独特的四象方剂。根据病 情，在辨象的基础上，随象加减用药，以体现“异病同象同治，同病异象异治”原则。

不同民族不同时空，对体质学说有着不同的诠 释。从医学种类、时间、作者、种族、体质分型、体质与生理、病理、辨证、防病治疗、疾病预后、理论指导等方面，对《内经》与《东医寿 世保元》进行比较分析。

2 、张玉清：中西医理论不可比之比较 ---- 原始思维与概念思维

中医学术理论成熟在先秦时代，培育它的文化土 壤从诸子百家汲取养分。阴阳、元气、五行等哲学概念的成形不晚于春秋战国时期，在能以阴阳道《易》的儒家形而上智慧哲学确定的同时， 医家张仲景勤采博古的研究成果是以阴阳道《伤寒论》，阴阳概念的思维尽管体现了事物发展过程中的动态变化，仲景在《伤寒论》中把这种 思维模式发挥到了淋漓尽致，如太阳之为病，头项强痛、脉浮。或浮紧或浮缓或项背强几几，这就有了麻黄汤、桂枝汤、葛根汤分别主治的不 同等等，体现了疾病现象在发展过程中阴阳的未确定性与时间实在性的动态变化，属于或然性判断的艺术模式，即便如此它以黑格尔哲学体系 的原则定论仍属于有限思维的哲学，从思维操作这个最深层次的缘由它是以自我经验为主导性逻辑建构依据的原始思维。而西医学从远古经验 医学走出，在近代科学革命发生以维萨留斯的《现代人体构造》作为标志，迅速出现新的理论范式更替，从分门别类的学科分化到实证分析形 而上的学术规范决定了显而易见的中医原始思维模式与近代自然科学化的概念思维的形态差异。因为它是以关于对象的经验为主导性逻辑建构 依据的思维。前者表现了疾病现象发展过程中动态变化的决断艺术，后者证明了实证医学可靠分析的形而上的学术规范。前者属于物象的具 体，后者属于思维的具体由此而言中西医理论是不可比的。这两者是一种各自传统文化哲学思想意识精神土壤所孕育生长出的历史必然。而不 是逻辑必然。

Middle Western medicine theory is not allowed to comparing with comparing __________primitive thought with concept thought

Doctor of traditional Chinese medicine academic theory is mature before Qin times, soil draws the culture cultivating it from hundred schools of thinkers nutrient. Conceptual no late philosophy forming Yu year such as Yin and Yang , vitality , the five elements the Warring States period, is in the Confucian School shape "easy to be able to say with Yin and Yang" has but simultaneous that wisdom philosophy ascertains, that medicine family Zhang Zhong Jing Qin gathers Bogu's research result is to say with Yin and Yang "Treatise on Febrile Diseases " , conceptual and Yang thought development in not having hesitated to embody object developing process changes, Middle scenery brings this thinking model into play in "Treatise on Febrile Diseases " having arrived at realistic portrayal of character , pulse floats if strong for disease , the head item of the sun is painful. Or float tight or float slow or person's back by force almost almost, have been having the Chinese ephedra soup , the cassia twig right now the soup , the root of kudzu vine soup part for the major functions of a drug diversity and so on, have embodied not determinacy disease phenomenon development change in developing process middle Yin and Yang with time substantiality , have belonged to the art pattern that the chance judges, Even if it still belongs to limited thought philosophy , the cause handling this deepest arrangement of ideas from thought so with Hegel system of philosophy principle final conclusion, it is to take oneself experience as the leading factor logic construction thought according to primitive. But west medical science steps off from ancient times experience medical science, "modern times happening with Weisaliusi in science revolution the modern times structure of the human body " is a sign, prompt the new theory canonical form supersedure , from the discipline differentiation classifying to analyse a shape but upper learning of demonstration standard the primitive thinking model having decided doctor of traditional Chinese medicine as plain as the nose on one's face and the concept thought form difference scientize naturally at the modern times appear. Because of it is to take the experience about the marriage partner as leading factor, the logic constructs the basis thought. The former has shown the disease phenomenon developing process middle development change's deciding on art , the latter has testified the analytical reliable demonstration medical science shape but upper learning has standardized. The former belongs to the phenomenon concre , that the latter belongs to from this Er Yan middle concrete thought Western medicine theory is no comparable. This both are that one kind of each's tradition culture philosophical thinking is aware of what spirit soil is fraught with the history necessity growing out. But be not logic necessity.

3 、玉时阶：论壮族巫医与壮族医学的渊源关系

壮族巫医与壮族医学的关系是十分密切的。特别 是在壮医学刚刚萌芽的远古时代，最初的壮族民间医学起源于壮族巫术，而壮族民间医生产生于壮族巫医，壮族巫医则产生于壮族巫师之中。

最初的壮族巫医产生于壮族巫师之中。古代壮族 巫师既从事巫术活动，又为人治疗疾病，巫、医混合，故有“医出于巫”和“医巫同源”之说。受原始宗教信仰的影响，古代壮族人认为，人 生病是鬼神作祟的结果，只有请巫师才能祈神驱鬼。所以，当人生病时，巫师便成为最初为人看病治疗的巫医。巫医在为人治疗时，在用咒 语、符箓、歌舞、献祭等巫术活动祈神驱鬼的同时，也用一些中草药和放血，艾灸等方法加以辅佐，进行治疗，成为最初的民间医生。壮族巫 医为达到驱鬼治病的目的，常做各种祭神驱鬼的巫术活动，其中一些合理的、积极的做法，如巫术活动中的要求各家各户清扫庭院、封寨等， 经过后人的批判、继承，已成为现代壮医学中的科学治疗方法。巫医的产生和发展是壮族医学产生和发展进程中一个不可替代的历史阶段。

Discusses the Zhuang national minority witch doctor and the Zhuang national minority medicine's origin relations

The relations between Zhuang national minority witch doctor and the Zhuang national minority medicine are very close.Especially in the ancient time when the Zhuang national minority medicine just germinated,the initial Zhuang national minority popular medicine stems from the Zhuang national minority witchcraft,but Zhuang national minority folk doctor forms from the Zhuang national minority witch doctor,and the Zhuang national minority witch doctor comes from the Zhuang national minority sorcerers.

The initial Zhuang national minority witch doctor comes from the Zhuang national minority sorcerer.At the ancient times the Zhuang national minority sorcerer were both engaged in the witchcraft activity, and the manner of treated disease, the witch and the medicine are mixed, therefore there were the sayings of“the medicine stemming from the witch” and “the medical witch are homologic”.Under the primitive religion belief's influence, the Zhuang national minority people at the ancient times believed that the human falls ill is the result which the ghosts and gods cause ,The only way to cure is asking the sorcerer pray the god to expel evil spirits.Therefore, when the human falls ill, the sorcerer then becomes the initial witch doctor who give the people treatment.When Witch doctor pay a treatment, They use the incantation, invocation, the dance, to offer sacrifices and so on witchcraft activities to pray which the god expels evil spirits, also use some Chinese medicine and the bloodletting, methods of taking ash and so on to assist and treat,Then they become the initial folk doctor.In order to expel evil spirit and treat an illness,The Zhuang national minority witch doctor often carry on all kinds of witchcraft activities of praying gods and expeling ghosts,Some reasonable, positive procedure, like the request of each household cleaning the garden and seals the stronghold etc in the witchcraft activity,after posterity's critique, inherits, it has become the scientific method in the modern Zhuang medicine. The process of witch doctor's production and the development is an unreplaceable historical stage in the history of the Zhuang national minority medicine's production and development.

◎◎◎ Section 5-A

1 、祝平一： Brain Anatomical Knowledge in 18th century China

This paper investigates how the brain was conceptualized in China after the transmission of European anatomical knowledge.  A study like this always faces the danger of judging scientific achievements of China according to modern scientific criteria. It also easily leads to the misunderstanding that one is attempting to understand whether the Chinese people is more open to foreign knowledge and thus more capable of improving their scientific capacity. I have no interest in these issues which may bother some modern researchers.  My main concern is rather to describe how the people in the early appropriated foreign knowledge so as to shed light on the process of the travel of European science in East Asia and its consequences. For this purpose, I choose to discuss how the Chinese envisioned and imagined the European anatomical brain in the 18th century.

2 、苏静静：瘟疫时期的基督教——以中世纪的黑死病和 19 世纪的霍乱为例

面对流行病的大规模暴发，各个历史时期，社会 各个阶层、各个国家地区，各个政府社会所做出的反应都不是一样的。作为伴随人类历史最长、影响范围最大、跨越社会阶层最广的宗教之 一，基督教也无可避免地要解释流行病的发生解释并采取相应的应对措施。本文将讨论基督教在 14 世纪和 19 世纪这两个特殊的历史时期，在欧洲大陆和美国这两个不同的地区和文化背景，面对黑死病以及霍乱这两个不同 但又相似的两种流行病，所做出的反应。尽管在当时的情况下人们普遍将这两场瘟疫视作上帝对人类的惩罚，都是在请求上帝的宽恕，但是两 次的反应却又有很大的不同。前者激进地表现为鞭笞运动，后者则是向政府部门寻找诉求，说服总统将宗教运动当作全民防病措施，建议设立 国家禁食日、全民祷告日等。从中可以看出 , 宗教（基督教）随着社会环境的发展而发生了“进化”，而它们代表也恰恰是普通民众面对疾病灾难时的态度转 变。本文将追究这种转变和进化背后可能的医学、社会学原因及其解释。

Christianity During Plagues

—— Examples of Black Death in Medieval Age and Cholera in 19 ^th Century

Different history stages, different classes of the society, different areas and different governments demonstrated different response towards the outbreak of plagues. As one of the religions with the longest history and one of the most influential religions, Christianity inevitably had to offer an explanation for the outbreak of plague and respond to it. This paper will discuss how Christianity responded to black death in 14th century in Europe and how Christianity responded to cholera in 19th century in America correspondingly. Although the public opinion considered both plagues as the punishment of God and in both cases people begged His pardon and forgiveness, the specific responses in both cases are different. In balck death, the radical “lash movement” was conducted while in the latter case, people turned to government’s department and tried to persuade the president to adopt religious movement as measures against the plague and to set National Fast Day and People’s Prey Day. The differences demonstrated that Christianity “evolved” with the social environment which represented the turnover of public’s attitude towards diseases. This paper will probe into the possible explanation for this turnover and evolvement from the perspectives of medicine, society and culture.

3 、李化成：瘟疫背后的思想史—英国黑死病认识论研究

思想史不仅仅可以从思想家的言论中获取，在特 定背景下，具体的历史事件也会演变为特定思想的表达。通过对这种事件的考量，可以了解特定地区的民众在特定时代里基本思想的变动；而 通过对此类思想变动的探讨，又会使我们对具体事件之于社会发展的作用问题加深了解。正是从这个意义上说，事件也有其思想史的意义。本 文试从十四世纪令人谈之色变的黑死病入手，主要依据英国的情况，进行一种认识论的探索，并努力展现其思想史的意义。

限于医疗水平的低下，时人难以对黑死病的流行 病学做出正确的判断，而是将瘟疫加以神秘化解释，从而形成了天（神）谴说、末世说和星宿说三大解释。天（神）谴说是基督教会对现实灾 难的一种判断，他们认为社会道德的堕落是上帝发怒的主要原因。末世说是对末日到来的一种预言，它宣称黑死病是伴随“敌基督”到来的灾 难。星宿说则将黑死病的爆发归因于天体的运动。

天（神）谴说和末世说不是截然分离的两种思 潮，而是在很多方面有相通之处。两者都从属于一种“原罪－赎罪—审判”的基督教信仰链条。但是，天（神）谴说是对现实灾难的一种判 断，而末世说是对末日到来的一种预言。与此相应，中世纪的星宿学家们也将基督教的神学理论与星宿学结合起来，他们认为，包括人在内的 地上万物又是神创的，地上之物与天上之物之间在神的作用下发生关系便成为了可能。

但是，对于与人体息息相关的星宿医学来说，星 占理论却是是解释领域的巨人，实践领域的侏儒。他们针对黑死病的防治方法，基本上其他防治措施无甚差别。这在某种程度上必然导致人们 对于星宿医学的怀疑，并在黑死病后逐渐向更具神秘性的方向发展，甚至与巫术联系起来。然而，天（神）谴说或者末世说的防治措施甚至连 最基本的医学常识都算不上，但这却没有影响到这两种解释的流传。我们认为，这与中世纪基督教传统中的“身心二元论”有关。

Significance of Plague for Intellectual History

-----On the cognizance of the Black Death in Medieval England

To the Black Death, the sociality of the medical in England practice had represented on the people’s knowledge of it and which was the premise of the cure to the epidemic. With the limitations of the medicine, people at that time were hard to make correct judgement, they mystified the plague and thus formed three interpretations: Punishment 、 eschatology and astrology. Punishment eschatology made interpretation about the concrete event in regard of the Christian tradition, both were subject to the religious chain of “ origional sin- atonement- trial”and thought the plague were the punishment of humans evil. They also had different in some aspects. Punishment was the church’s judgement of the realistic castrophy, they thought the degradation of the social morals was the main cause of the God’s anger. Punishment had became the the main interpretation of the Black Death because the church took the lead of propaganda and organization. As the advocator of the Punishment, the orthodox church did not believe the world would come to the end, on the contrary, they thought the Punishment was the prophesy to the end of the day and declared the Black Death was the catastrophy of the coming of the Antichrist. This kind of prophesy mostly denied the church’s instructions and rules and was denounced and abondoned by the orthordox church and the royal power. The astrology had attributed the Black Death to the motion of celestial bodies and on basis of the integratation of theology and astrology the astrologists asserted the cross of the eclipse and the conjunction of Saturn and Mars and Jupiter in Aquarius was the main cause of the Black Death.

◎◎◎ Section 5-B

1 、朱德明：近代浙江的西医医疗机构

近代浙江的西医医疗机构有教会、国立和私立创 办三种，其中教会医院开张最早，地处宁波地区，而多数西医医疗机构云集在杭州等地，它们为近代浙江人民的医疗卫生保健事业做出了卓越 的贡献，值得胪述。

Epidemics and regional diseases in contemporary Zhejiang

During the Daoguang-Xianfeng period, epidemics usually broke out in South of Zhejiang. From the late Daoguang period to Tongzhi period, with the beginning of Taiping Rebellion, epidemics frequently broke out in the Northwest of Zhejiang and were connected with the epidemic situation in southern Jiangsu and Anhui . the epidemic situation covered a large area and cost a lot of people’s lives. After the crake down of Taiping Rebellion, epidemics occurred occasionally. The major ones were black plagues, cholera, and malaria. In the starting two years of Tongzhi period, the epidemic situation in Jiangsu , Zhejiang and Anhui was almost unprecedentedly serious. By our estimate, the late part of Qing Dynasty, Jiangsu , Zhejiang and Anhui were the most seriously affected areas by epidemics. For 13 years, epidemics occurred in Zhejiang , making it the most epidemically active area in the whole country since the Ming Dynasty. The same was true during the Republic of China period. Epidemic situations in contemporary Zhejiang mostly occurred during Daoguang, Xianfeng, and Tongzhi period and were war-incurred. After we reviewed the epidemic situations, regional diseases, and their damages in Hangzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Huzhou, Jinhua, Quzhou, Zhoushan, Taizhou, Lishui and another three areas, we concluded that Zhejiang was among the most seriously affected areas by epidemics in contemporary China.

2 、王建国： STS 教育中的医学科学史教育

STS 教育的主题不仅仅是科学技术教育，它还包括明确社会责任感、增强公民服务意识和树立正确的世界观、人生 观、道德观和价值观等方面教育。本文中医学科学史教育的各种育人功能都充分体现和证实了 STS 教育的新的教育思想。

The Teaching of Medical Science History in STS Education

The themes of STS education not only comprise the education of science and technology, but also include education in such aspects as the clarification of the sense of social responsibility, the enhancement of the citizens’ service awareness, and the establishment of correct world view, outlook on life, morality, and values. The various educational functions of medical science history dwelled upon in this thesis thoroughly reflect and also verify the new educational thoughts in STS education.

Since STS education comprehensive education integrating science education, technology education and social education, for medical education the education of medical science history is the basis of STS education and is the first and compulsory course in medical colleges and universities.

The importance of the teaching of medical science history in STS education has been receiving ever-increasing attention. This is a positive effect resulting from the mutual interaction between the development of contemporary science and technology and the new demands of medical education. In this effect, the characteristics and the important functions of the discipline of medical science history are being made clearer and clearer, and finally this discipline has become a bridge and a link between nature and society, between science and technology, between medicine and humanities, between knowledge and civilization, between development and harmony. Its educational functions can strengthen the root of STS education in medical colleges and universities. Therefore, fully understanding the educational functions of medical science history and carrying out STS education leading the students in the directions of pursuit of truth, orientation toward good and valuing of beauty have become an irreversible and natural trend.

The following is the main content of the thesis:

1.The Pursuit of Truth: Cultivating Intellectuality as a Function of Medical Science History

1.1 The Cultivation of the Spirit of Science

1.2 The Cultivation of the Critical Spirit

1.3 The Cultivation of Ways of Thinking

1.4 The Cultivation of Innovative Capacities

2.The Pursuit of Good: Fostering Good as a Function of Medical Science History

2.1. The Fostering of Sense of Responsibility

2.2 The Fostering of Sense of Sympathy

2.3 The Fostering of Sense of Enterprise

3.The Cultural Spirit: Cultivating Beauty as a Function of Medical Science History

Cultivation of Non-logical Ways of Thinking

Cultivation of Esthetic View on Life

4.The Education of Medical Science History in Medical Colleges and Universities

4.1The Demand of the Education of Humanity Qualities in Medicine

4.2The of the Development of Medical Technology

4.3The of the Results of the Present Scientific Research

3 、兰咏梅：论医学生的人文素质培养

随着医学科学的飞速发展和医学模式的转变，当 今社会和医学科学对医学人才的要求也发生了变化。特别是生物－心理－社会医学模式强调医学的人文性与社会性，这就对现代医学模式实践 主体的医科学生在人文素质教育方面提出了新的标准。近几年来，我国高等医学教育已进行了一系列改革与调整，但从总体情况来看，仍存在 一些问题。本文就加强医学生人文素质教育谈几点认识。